Wednesday, January 5, 2011
When techies turn teachers...
India's Microfinance Crisis is a Battle to Monopolize the Poor
A king had a trusted monkey that was trained to wield a sword. As the king's bodyguard, the monkey would go to any length to protect him. One day, while the king was sleeping, a fly started pestering him. The monkey tried to shoo the fly away but it always came back. Frustrated, the monkey decided to kill the fly. He struck the sword right where it stood — on the king's face.
India has a strong oral tradition. Children are raised on stories passed from generation to generation, and every story holds lessons. The above tale teaches that good intentions are not enough — an overzealous protector can actually cause harm to those it loves. For proof, we need only look to the microfinance crisis playing out in Andhra Pradesh.
Andhra Pradesh is the motherland of Indian microfinance largely due to the early and extraordinary work of its state government. In the late 1980s, it built the Self Help Group-Bank Linkage Programme (SHG-Bank Linkage) with support from the National Bank of Agriculture and Rural Development and World Bank Loans. It invested heavily in client education and, along with the not-for-profit sector, built up a robust microfinance portfolio.
But over the last two decades, many lenders that began as non-profit organizations have transformed into commercial microfinance institutions (MFIs) — among them, BASIX, SHARE, SKS, and Spandana. As compared to SHG-Bank Linkage, these institutions have posted faster growth rates and reached far more borrowers.
Last month, the state government put a halt to that with theAP Microfinance Ordinance, suspending operations of MFIs in the state and for all intents and purposes allowing borrowers to stop repaying their loans. The announcement of the Ordinance stressed the need to protect the poor — but the move might well, in the long term, leave them far worse off.
The government has complained that too many poor borrowers find themselves subject to coercive collection practices by MFIs. It knows that its SHG members sometimes "double-dip" by taking on additional loans from the commercial lenders, and it sees that they tend to repay MFIs faster. However, there are explanations other than coercion that might explain that. MFI loans are more expensive than SHG loans, so a customer with two loans outstanding might reasonably choose to repay the MFI loan first. The MFIs' disciplined system of doorstep loan management might also account for the greater customer responsiveness.
Now, the manager of the government program, SERP, has pushed the accusation of coercive practices to a new level, blaming the MFIs' attempts to recover loans for the suicides of 54 men and women. This is a serious allegation and, again, prompts the question of whether there might be alternative explanations. At the most basic level, note that according to the National Crime Records Bureau, suicides in India occur at the rate of 10.8 deaths per 100,000 people every year (based on 2008 data). If we apply this rate to the 6 million clients who are members of SKS Microfinance, we might expect that there would be 648 clients succumbing to suicide every year. This reasoning, of course, is rather absurd; but so is drawing a link from borrower suicides to MFIs without evidence. (For a far more subtle discussion of the drivers of suicide among Indian farmers, see these articlesby Palagummi Sainath, an editor at The Hindu.)
What we are really seeing in Andhra Pradesh is the fallout from a long-standing competition between MFIs and the state government, each of which believes it should be the source of financial services to the poor. The government feels that it has a mandate to alleviate poverty; indeed, it has a responsibility to disperse US$22.2bn to SHG members by 2014. MFIs believe that the poor are ideal customers who have the right to financial inclusion. The two clashed first in 2006, also in Andhra Pradesh, and that Krishna crisis left many large MFIs crippled. But that time, private equity investors stepped in, and with strong inflows of both debt and equity capital, timely access to skilled talent, and significant use of technology, MFIs in general managed to continue growing and even to vault past the government program.
Now, with the AP Ordinance, the government seems determined to remove borrowers' access to MFIs. As a piece of legislation, the AP Ordinance has more to do with helping the state government program enjoy a monopoly over the poor than with preventing strong-armed debt collection.
Clearly it would be better for the government to understand that the poor have the right to make choices — and that there are better ways to serve the poor than crippling its competition.
At the same time, the MFIs need to understand that social businesses are complex and that, as they scale and become part of the mainstream financial system, they need to be more careful managers, of both their operational reality and their external image. When the most substantial plank in your reputation platform is poverty alleviation, perceptions are all-important. In contrast to the Indian Information Technology Industry, which has done a good job of managing values and reputation without moving the focus from commercial objectives, the MFIs have allowed others to shape perceptions of them. They are perceived as lacking in transparency about their interest rates and unable to effectively manage external stakeholders such as the media and the State. This perception comes closer to the truth when a leading MFI allows a post-IPO spat among its own leaders to play out in front of the public.
The fight over the poor seems to be getting uglier, but microfinance is too good a tool for financial inclusion to be thwarted by poor positioning. If both sides do not look inwards and make adequate course corrections, their destructive competition has the potential to set us back by 10 years.
Vineet Rai is the Founder and Chairman of Intellecap, which has recently released a white paper on the 2010 microfinance crisis in Andhra Pradesh. He is also founder of Aavishkaar, an investor in commercially viable enterprises that also have a social impact.
Review of agricultural extension in India | International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI)
A bandhu they can bank on
The tiny drops promise to swell into an ocean of profit, as FINO handholds the poor to deposit their faith and money in the banking system.. |
For many of us who effortlessly shop for things, transfer money or pay utility bills with a click of the mouse, it is virtually impossible to even imagine the trauma the illiterate, the rural and the lower middle-classes face in doing these simple tasks. Mind you, these are not the abjectly poor; they make a decent income.
So, at the office of FINO (Financial Information and Networks Organisation) Ltd at Dharavi, touted as Asia's biggest slum, in Mumbai, the sense of empowerment was palpable as Sushma Devi walked in with her month-old baby in her arms, and her three-year-old daughter clutching her finger.
She proceeded to the counter where Shahida, a FINO banking correspondent or bandhu, was seated with a small hand-held device into which went the woman's biometric or smart card bearing her bank account details. The machine confirmed her identity after she placed her index finger on the monitor, and she put Rs 300 into her account. The money came from her husband's earnings and it was great to note that it went into the wife's bank account!
The transaction took barely a minute. Sunita Singh, who runs a small business nearby, came in next to deposit Rs 5,000 in the Union Bank of India account of one of her workers. “This money will be withdrawn by his parents living in a small town in UP. He sends them Rs 5,000 every month like this,” she said.
Arvind, a fruit seller, followed. He sells cut fruits on his handcart; “it is Ramzan, and in the evenings there is brisk business. I'm making good money, so I'm putting this (Rs 1,000) into my account before I spend it,” he grinned. This month has been good and he has already saved Rs 6,000.
Manish Khera, FINO's CEO, who in 2006 quit his secure job as a joint general manager at ICICI Bank, Mumbai, to set up the organisation, watches with quiet pride the efficient working of the system where money is either put in or withdrawn.
“We saw that banking in general is concentrated on the urban middle-class and we were not really serving the masses. And it was not even a niche bank.” The bulk of the customers living in remote places and the expensive physical infrastructure to reach them were major obstacles preventing such customers from engaging with banks.
He looked around at global initiatives to solve this problem; the Brazilian model of business correspondent (BC) was just taking off, and there were initiatives happening in South Africa and Indonesia.
So he zeroed in on the idea of the BC (today FINO has over 10,000); “instead of banks setting up branches, the agent or bandhu goes to the doorstep of the client and with little or shared physical infrastructure the business model becomes feasible.”
Government payouts
Over 90 per cent of FINO's 18.5 million clients are in rural India, and “as we talk, 50,000 additional clients will come in today,” he says.
The biggest component of FINO, which operates in 23 States and 80 districts, comprises Government payouts, social security pensions, health insurance for the BPL (RSBY or Rashtriya Swasthiya Bima Yojana) and NREGA. “In rich States such as Haryana and Punjab, where NREGA hasn't really taken off as the private players pay more, we execute social security pensions in a big way,” says Khera. The Haryana government pays a monthly old-age pension of Rs 700 to the BPL, and FINO has over one million of these customers.
But its biggest customer-base — 9 million — comes in the RSBY category, where the Government provides cashless insurance to people in the BPL category. The Government pays the premium and servicing is by private or public insurance companies. The annual cover is up to Rs 30,000. “Our job is to issue cards to the customer, install devices in hospitals where customers can get healthcare facilities using their smart cards. We provide the technology and the insurance company pays us for the service.”
Next comes NREGA with 5 million customers; the bulk in Andhra Pradesh, where FINO works well with the State government, followed by Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan. Those who earlier shunned NREGA work, either because of delayed payment or partial payment as the money was siphoned off, are getting into the FINO system as full payment is assured on the third day. With 1.5 million new NREGA customers every month, by the end of this financial year, the total will exceed 10 million.
Encouraging savings
So, is FINO encouraging the poor and the lower middle-classes to save?
Yes, “a subtle shift” is happening, he says. “With NREGA-like people being our larger customer base… earlier they used to get the money and spend it. Now, with a bank account they think they should retain a little money for times of need.”
On the recently started remittances model, mainly domestic and foreign on a pilot basis, he says that unlike in other money transfer systems, the advantage of a bank account is that beneficiaries don't have to withdraw all money at one go; some might even save a portion. Ultimately, when the banks see some money remaining in the account, they might offer them other financial products like loans. In domestic remittances, which average around Rs 5,000 a quarter, money goes from urban centres such as Mumbai, Delhi and Surat to villages in poorer States like Bihar, MP and Orissa which witness a lot of migration.
But are banks really interested in micro-customers dealing in tiny sums?
“Yes and no; today there is a systemic push on the banks to reach these people. Deputy RBI Governor Dr K.C. Chakraborty did a great thing by recently getting all banks to submit a formal financial inclusion plan approved by their boards. Having given something formally to the RBI which is being monitored, there is pressure on them to comply.”
He adds: “If you go into the maps of this business, it makes money. Only you have to be persistent, have a large base and the right products for the customers, so some banks are now also pursuing this as a profit motive, because though each customer brings very small sums, the aggregate value adds up.”
Like in Mumbai alone, FINO's daily cash collection is Rs 2 crore. The next step, says Khera, who hopes to come out with an IPO by 2013, is to convert his customers' smart card into “something like an India Card, which like Visa or MasterCard, can be used for purchases, paying utility bills etc. The possibilities are immense.”
FINO's first target is 25 million customers in five years. “We'll do that before the deadline, and our next milestone is 100 million in the following five years,” adds Khera.
Engaging the farm sector
The organisation, which recently won the Financial Times Sustainable Banking award in the ‘Achievement in Banking at Base of the Pyramid' category, is now forging a partnership with the farm sector. “We have opened bank accounts of all the farmers who supply milk to the NDDB. Along with a savings bank account they get bank loans and cattle insurance, all coupled in a single product.” It has started in Gujarat and UP and will expand to other States soon.
Verghese, who has a tiny watch repair shop in Dharavi, now banks on FINO to send his family in Kanyakumari a monthly allowance. “But I hope they will soon hel me get a loan to expand my business,” he says
At the FINO office, Arvind, the fruit seller, completes his transaction and says, “This is so much quicker than a bank, where you have to first fill a form, take a token and then wait for the sahibs to return from their coffee break! And then they'll tell us ‘ aaj computer me gadbad hei!' (Today the computer is not working.)”
I next watch Pervez withdraw the entire amount of Rs 17,400 from his SB account for expenses related to his brother's wedding. Arun Mandal, a civil works supervisor, comes in to send Rs 3,000 to his parents in Jharkhand.
But what brings tears to the eye is 16-year-old Pintu Kumar, who works as an electrician in Mumbai, sending Rs 2,000 to his parents at Satsena village in UP. “I left my school two years ago to come here; my boss taught me the work and I'm happy to send money regularly to my parents from here,” he says cheerfully.
Source:-FINO
Potential of financial literacy
In India, financial literacy is seen as an adjunct to the financial inclusion exercise. However, its role in addressing the aspirations of an emerging economy deserves recognition.
Tanushree Mazumdar
At a recently held workshop on financial literacy, organised by the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), it was interesting to note that even developed countries were grappling with the issue.
There was, however, a difference in the thrust of financial literacy/education drives in these countries vis-Ã -vis developing countries like India. So far, in India, the emphasis has largely been on financially educating the rural poor and illiterate. Whether it is the business correspondent/business facilitator (BC/BF) model or the technology-driven banking model that the regulators and banks are currently encouraging, the main focus remains the rural poor.
These models have a two-pronged focus: include the financially excluded in the mainstream financial system and financially educate the rural masses about banks, their products, services, procedures, and so on.
In developed countries (OECD to be precise), there is greater focus on educating an average family — helping it balance its budget, build assets, save for children's education and retirement planning. Financial literacy there takes the form of guiding consumers through the maze of complex financial products, taking confident financial decisions and safeguarding their financial interests, and resisting marketing pitches of financial companies by asking the right questions.
There is another difference in the objectives of financial education programmes in the developed and developing countries. In the developed countries, financial literacy is linked to consumer protection.. Better information disclosure, they believe, would go a long way in strengthening regulatory standards for consumer protection.
In India, financial literacy is seen as a means to achieve financial inclusion. The thrust is on rural areas. This is not surprising, given that 5.7 lakh out of the six-lakh villages don't have a bank branch. There is, however, a strong case for extending the efforts of financial inclusion to urban areas as well. The Economic Survey 2009-10, quoting the NSS 61 {+s} {+t} Round, says that poverty ratio in urban areas is 25.7 per cent which is only somewhat lower than the 28.3 per cent poverty ratio in rural areas.
LIVELIHOOD NEEDS
What will help financial inclusion is not financial literacy per se but linking people's livelihood needs with banking services. For example, the Aryavrat Gramin Bank in Uttar Pradesh achieved 100 per cent financial inclusion in some hamlets in UP through its tie-up with a corporate to sell solar powered lamps. The Kisan Mitra Scheme of Punjab National Bank achieved 100 per cent financial inclusion in 40 villages by linking bank finance to farming needs.
There is also the example of a pilot project in Warangal district of Andhra Pradesh, where pension payments and payments under NREGS were made through direct credit to bank accounts.
If people need banks for saving or receiving income or for remittances or loans they will avail of such banking services. In such cases, financial literacy becomes only the catalyst and not the main driving force behind financial inclusion.
Financial literacy can achieve a larger goal: that of empowering the consumer to take financial decisions confidently. And it need not be restricted to rural areas.
Urban areas in India may not be too different from developed countries in terms of the aspirations of people and the challenges they face. Some lessons from OECD countries can then be drawn for our own financial literacy programme.
Countries such as Malaysia, Singapore, and the Philippines include financial education as a part of school education. Money sense (like civic sense) is best inculcated in people as early as possible. The pilot project in Karnataka where financial education is being implemented in schools is a good step, and the outcome of the project will help in the strategising of financial education and roll-out in other States.
LITERACY STRATEGIES
In New Zealand, as a part of its financial literacy strategy, topics have been classified into three levels: everyday (financial products, services, inflation, etc.), occasional (wills, mortgage, etc.) and specialist (derivatives, portfolio management, etc.). We could think of a financial literacy strategy along similar lines.
Delivery of financial literacy is going to be the greatest challenge in India, not the least because of its geographical spread and diversity in languages. Just as banks have started offering credit counselling services, some authority has to take the responsibility of offering financial counselling. This cannot be left to the banks or other financial institutions, because there could be a conflict of interest.
Besides, financial counselling would involve, among other things, providing at one place, information about products and their charges across all banks, mutual funds, insurance companies, and so on. A centralised/impartial authority has to take charge of this task to assure uniformity in delivery and credibility of content.
May be, this is something that the proposed Financial Stability and Development Council can think about. After all, lack of financial education is said to be at the bottom of the recent global crisis and financial instability.